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Dagestan: Russian Hegemony and Islamic Resistance in the North Caucasus epub download

by Enver Kisriev,Robert Bruce Ware


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In this authoritative book the leading experts on Dagestan provide a path breaking study of this volatile state far from the world's gaze

In this authoritative book the leading experts on Dagestan provide a path breaking study of this volatile state far from the world's gaze. Authors Ware and Kisriev combine analysis of the dynamics of domination and resistance, and the distinctive forms of social organization characteristic of mountain societies that may be applicable to other areas such as Afghanistan.

Since 2014 the Ukraine conflict has overshadowed Russia’s North Caucasus issues, both within the country and .

Since 2014 the Ukraine conflict has overshadowed Russia’s North Caucasus issues, both within the country and abroad. Yet on its Caucasian margins, the Russian state continues to find itself confronted with challenges that affect its internal security and stability as a multi-ethnic state. groups, or Islamic jamaats, has developed throughout the North Caucasus, primarily in the Muslim republics of Ingushetia, Dagestan, a and Kabardino-Balkaria. Islamic ideals seem to guide and inspire much of the terrorist violence, although they are intermingled with deep nationalist sentiments, especially among rebel groups in Chechnya.

Russian Resistance and Propaganda through Memes in the 2010s. This article examines relationships between social identities and acculturation strategies of Russians (the ethnic minority) in the Republic of North Ossetia–Alania (RNO-A)

Russian Resistance and Propaganda through Memes in the 2010s. This article examines relationships between social identities and acculturation strategies of Russians (the ethnic minority) in the Republic of North Ossetia–Alania (RNO-A). The sample included 109 grandparent–parent–adolescent triads from ethnically Russian families (N 327). We assessed acculturation strategies, ethnic and national identities (identification with the Russian Federation),. republican identity (with the RNO-A), regional identity (with North Caucasus), and religious identity.

Ware and Kisriev's book fills the void of knowledge about the north Caucasus republic that was home to. .

Ware and Kisriev's book fills the void of knowledge about the north Caucasus republic that was home to these four. The authors present Dagestan as democratic and improving its governance until President Putin increased federal control on September 13, 2004. As the life expectancy of Russians declined drastically in the 1990's and birth rates fell, Dagestan's population doubled between 1970 and 2000 and life expectancy became ten years longer than in Russia as a whole.

Robert Bruce Ware, Enver F. Kisriev. Like other majority Muslim regions of the former Soviet Union, the republic of Dagestan, on Russia's southern frontier, has become contested territory in a hegemonic competition between Moscow and resurgent Islam. In this authoritative book the leading experts on Dagestan provide a path breaking study of this volatile state far from the world's gaze.

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Like other majority Muslim regions of the former Soviet Union, the republic of Dagestan, on Russia's southern frontier, has become contested territory in a hegemonic competition between Moscow and resurgent Islam. In this authoritative book the leading experts on Dagestan provide a path breaking study of this volatile state far from the world's gaze. The largest and most populous of the North Caucasian republics, bordered on the west by Chechnya and on the east by the Caspian Sea, Dagastan is almost completely mountainous. With no majority nationality, the republic developed a distinctive system of calibrated power relations among ethnic groups and with Moscow, a system that has been undermined by the spillover of the wars in Chechnya, Wahhabi and Islamist recruiting efforts targeting youth, and Moscow's reassertion of the 'power vertical'. Underdevelopment, high birthrates, transiting pipelines, and the rising incidence of terrorist violence and assassinations add to the explosive potential of the region. Authors Ware and Kisriev combine analysis of the dynamics of domination and resistance, and the distinctive forms of social organization characteristic of mountain societies that may be applicable to other areas such as Afghanistan. They draw on decades of field research, interviews, and data to offer unique perspective on the civilizational collision course under way in the Caucasus today.

Dagestan: Russian Hegemony and Islamic Resistance in the North Caucasus epub download

ISBN13: 978-0765620286

ISBN: 0765620286

Author: Enver Kisriev,Robert Bruce Ware

Category: Other

Subcategory: Humanities

Language: English

Publisher: Routledge; 1 edition (March 15, 2009)

Pages: 367 pages

ePUB size: 1523 kb

FB2 size: 1630 kb

Rating: 4.7

Votes: 748

Other Formats: rtf docx lrf lrf

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Burgas
Dagestan came blasting onto front pages in March 2010 when suicide bombs on two pretty young women from Dagestan exploded in central Moscow. Both came from educated families and comfortable homes. Mariam Sharipova, at 27, had two master's degrees and taught computer science at the local school. Magomedali Vagabov, her secret husband, had recently terminated his relationship with her. In interviews, her father, a teacher of Russian literature, denied she could have been married. Both her parents insisted she never left the house alone except to go to her school.

Yet twenty-four hours after Mariam left the high mountain village of Balakhani in a marshrutka on a routine shopping trip with her mother, she and Dzhernet Abdullaeva were photographed on closed circuit TV entering an outlying Moscow subway station. Mariam rode a train crowded with commuting workers to Lubyanka station. Just as the doors opened, her bombs exploded. Forty minutes later Dzhernet exploded in a train as it reached Park Kultury station. Forty people were killed and 100 injured by those bombs on March 29, 2010.

Disturbing photos were soon published showing 18-year-old Dzhernet posed adoringly with a gun and her secret husband, Umalat Magamedov, leader of Dagestan's Shariat jamaat. What brought these sheltered women 1000 miles from their villages to commit mass murder? Internet flirtations with the warriors led them to be bombers when they found themselves in unbearable dilemmas. When Vagabov tired of Mariam and Magamedov was killed in a shoot-out with police in Makhachkala, each had the choice of taking another warrior as lover or giving her life for the cause. (Vagabov did not long survive Mariam. Russian security forces killed him and four other militants in Gunib, a central Dagestan village in late August 2010.)

Ware and Kisriev's book fills the void of knowledge about the north Caucasus republic that was home to these four. The authors present Dagestan as democratic and improving its governance until President Putin increased federal control on September 13, 2004. Western writers criticized this move but did not emphasize, as these authors do, that it was a direct response to the Beslan school massacre of 330 young children, mothers and teachers in the first three days of that September. They criticize Putin's too-willing cooperation with the region's traditional Sufi Islam and his emphasis on security that "led Moscow to support corrupt local officials instead of removing them..."

Ware and Kisriev devote most of the book to the traditional village means of self-government, competing versions of Islam, linguistic and cultural traditions. They don't evade local failings including "relentless political rivalries," "methods of political assassination that are traditional in Dagestan" and terrorism. Enver Kisriev is an ethnic Lezgin from Dagestan, providing authenticity to the depiction of local circumstances. "The ideologies of absolutism and expansionism that have been sequentially propounded by Imam Shamil, Shamil Basaev and other Islamists are incompatible with the traditionalism, the parochialism, and the pragmatic moderation of North Caucasus cultures." Though the Soviets recognized only 14 Dagestani ethnicities (and organized them in rotating ethnic trios of leadership), Kisriev knows the dozens of distinct ethnicities of his republic from the Akhvakhs to the Tsakhurs. He analyses and details the finer points of the politics of imams and muftis throughout Dagestan. Here also is the most complete explanation as to why Shamil Basaev invaded Dagestan, Nazran, Beslan and Nalchik.

As the life expectancy of Russians declined drastically in the 1990's and birth rates fell, Dagestan's population doubled between 1970 and 2000 and life expectancy became ten years longer than in Russia as a whole. While the collapse of the federal state was a disaster in most of Russia, it was an optimistic period in Dagestan which emerged with "...a coherent and stable political culture" and elections that are "...generally free and fair, reliably determining political winners of competitive races, and bestowing legitimacy upon the results." But its democracy "was neither Western, nor Eastern, nor Slavic..." It "... conformed neither to the Russian federal constitution nor the expectations of Moscow political observers." As the Russian state gradually rose from the ashes of the 1990's, it expected republics to conform to federal constitutional law, a development Dagestan resisted.

Village by village, a reader of this important book becomes familiar with the largely unknown republic of a still troubled region.
Burgas
Dagestan came blasting onto front pages in March 2010 when suicide bombs on two pretty young women from Dagestan exploded in central Moscow. Both came from educated families and comfortable homes. Mariam Sharipova, at 27, had two master's degrees and taught computer science at the local school. Magomedali Vagabov, her secret husband, had recently terminated his relationship with her. In interviews, her father, a teacher of Russian literature, denied she could have been married. Both her parents insisted she never left the house alone except to go to her school.

Yet twenty-four hours after Mariam left the high mountain village of Balakhani in a marshrutka on a routine shopping trip with her mother, she and Dzhernet Abdullaeva were photographed on closed circuit TV entering an outlying Moscow subway station. Mariam rode a train crowded with commuting workers to Lubyanka station. Just as the doors opened, her bombs exploded. Forty minutes later Dzhernet exploded in a train as it reached Park Kultury station. Forty people were killed and 100 injured by those bombs on March 29, 2010.

Disturbing photos were soon published showing 18-year-old Dzhernet posed adoringly with a gun and her secret husband, Umalat Magamedov, leader of Dagestan's Shariat jamaat. What brought these sheltered women 1000 miles from their villages to commit mass murder? Internet flirtations with the warriors led them to be bombers when they found themselves in unbearable dilemmas. When Vagabov tired of Mariam and Magamedov was killed in a shoot-out with police in Makhachkala, each had the choice of taking another warrior as lover or giving her life for the cause. (Vagabov did not long survive Mariam. Russian security forces killed him and four other militants in Gunib, a central Dagestan village in late August 2010.)

Ware and Kisriev's book fills the void of knowledge about the north Caucasus republic that was home to these four. The authors present Dagestan as democratic and improving its governance until President Putin increased federal control on September 13, 2004. Western writers criticized this move but did not emphasize, as these authors do, that it was a direct response to the Beslan school massacre of 330 young children, mothers and teachers in the first three days of that September. They criticize Putin's too-willing cooperation with the region's traditional Sufi Islam and his emphasis on security that "led Moscow to support corrupt local officials instead of removing them..."

Ware and Kisriev devote most of the book to the traditional village means of self-government, competing versions of Islam, linguistic and cultural traditions. They don't evade local failings including "relentless political rivalries," "methods of political assassination that are traditional in Dagestan" and terrorism. Enver Kisriev is an ethnic Lezgin from Dagestan, providing authenticity to the depiction of local circumstances. "The ideologies of absolutism and expansionism that have been sequentially propounded by Imam Shamil, Shamil Basaev and other Islamists are incompatible with the traditionalism, the parochialism, and the pragmatic moderation of North Caucasus cultures." Though the Soviets recognized only 14 Dagestani ethnicities (and organized them in rotating ethnic trios of leadership), Kisriev knows the dozens of distinct ethnicities of his republic from the Akhvakhs to the Tsakhurs. He analyses and details the finer points of the politics of imams and muftis throughout Dagestan. Here also is the most complete explanation as to why Shamil Basaev invaded Dagestan, Nazran, Beslan and Nalchik.

As the life expectancy of Russians declined drastically in the 1990's and birth rates fell, Dagestan's population doubled between 1970 and 2000 and life expectancy became ten years longer than in Russia as a whole. While the collapse of the federal state was a disaster in most of Russia, it was an optimistic period in Dagestan which emerged with "...a coherent and stable political culture" and elections that are "...generally free and fair, reliably determining political winners of competitive races, and bestowing legitimacy upon the results." But its democracy "was neither Western, nor Eastern, nor Slavic..." It "... conformed neither to the Russian federal constitution nor the expectations of Moscow political observers." As the Russian state gradually rose from the ashes of the 1990's, it expected republics to conform to federal constitutional law, a development Dagestan resisted.

Village by village, a reader of this important book becomes familiar with the largely unknown republic of a still troubled region.
virus
Even though I was not very interested in the topic Bruce Ware does good work.
virus
Even though I was not very interested in the topic Bruce Ware does good work.